ThePennsylvania Coalition Against Rape works to eliminate all forms of sexual violence and advocates for the rights and needs of victims of sexual assault. In doing so, we support public policies that protect victim rights, promote public safety and hold sex offenders accountable for their actions.
We support Rep. Marguerite Quinn’s, R-Bucks, bill (HB342) to prohibit the release of the names of adult survivors of child sexual abuse
We also support legislation proposed by Reps. Michael McGeehan, D-Philadelphia, and Mark Rozzi, D-Berks, to provide a two-year window of time to suspend the statute of limitations for adult survivors of child sexual abuse to pursue civil actions. Allowing victims time and privacy in the courts enhances safety for everyone.
Victims of child sexual abuse are usually the only people who know the identity of their offenders. Sexual assault is committed in private; rarely are there witnesses. Sex offenders plan when and where to sexually abuse their victims and they take steps to ensure that child victims don’t tell anyone about their actions. They may confuse children by acting generous, giving gifts, saying they love them and no one else understands them. Many offenders tell victims no one will believe them; they caused the abuse or they will get in trouble. Often they threaten additional harm to the victim or others the victim loves and maintain relationships with the victim after the abuse has ended to help cover their crimes. In the words of Joe McGettigan, lead prosecutor in the Sandusky case, “Humiliation, shame and fear equal silence.”
Most sex offenders begin their offending behaviors during their adolescence, and held unchecked, will continue through their adult lives until sued civilly or arrested. Undetected sex offenders inflict sexual, physical, emotional and spiritual harm against numerous victims who live with feelings of humiliation, fear and shame, and for many, silence. Many stay silent until they realize their abuser is still assaulting other children, or they learn that they were not alone. Victims must be provided opportunities to seek justice when they are ready.
Keeping victim names private protects victims from further re-victimization that can occur when they lose control of their very personal and painful story or when other people blame, question or harass them.
Just two weeks ago we witnessed how damaging actions are when a documentary film maker tormented Victim 2 in the Sandusky case by hinting in the national press that he would reveal his identify on his website, which he eventually did. Similarly, the country has watched the re-victimization and harassment of “Jane Doe” in Steubenville, OH. These public “outings” of victim identity remind survivors that there is a real risk to reporting the assaults they endured. The fear of being identified in public keeps many survivors silent about what happened to them and who did it, which means offenders go unreported.
The Pennsylvania Coalition Against Rape urges Pennsylvanians to contact their lawmakers and ask them to bring Quinn’s bill to the floor for a vote and to support the “window” legislation. It is time to give survivors of sexual assault the opportunity to seek justice, promote public safety and do so with privacy.
Delilah Rumburg is the CEO of the Pennsylvania Coalition Against Rape. She writes from Enola.
By Patriot-News Op-Ed
on April 08, 2013 at 8:50 AM, updated April 08, 2013 at 9:18 AM
Lawmakers should extend window to sue for for sex abuse victims
By Cathleen Palm
On Aug. 25, 1991, I started the transition from child victim to adult survivor of child sexual abuse. Just after my 22nd birthday, I walked into my hometown police station to disclose my sexual abuse and name the perpetrator — a trusted family friend.
Like many survivors, I was pushed — without warning or a sufficient safety net — into confronting this abuse. An event in college, when I was a resident assistant, unexpectedly triggered painful memories and left me immobilized. In the course of disclosing the abuse to family and close family friends, I discovered that many people had strong suspicions — and some even direct knowledge — of the abuse. Coming to terms with the role silence played in perpetuating the abuse was not easy.
Law enforcement’s initial reaction to my 1991 disclosure was discouraging. I second-guessed myself, but tried to remember that there already were too many victims. Each of us had been sexually assaulted in different years, but all at the hands of the same perpetrator. The threat still posed to younger victims, and the perpetrator’s leadership position at a state-funded institution, provided urgency.
I met with supportive investigators from the district attorney’s office. I learned from those who worked with children and youth that Pennsylvania rigidly defines a perpetrator of child abuse, tying their hands even as it related to the younger victims.
It didn’t take long to understand that the law does have winners and losers, and the shorter stick is most often drawn by the child victim.
In 1991, state law required that a civil action be filed before the victim reached the age of 20, and prosecution generally was required to begin within five years from the time of the abuse.
Given the expired statute of limitations, law enforcement could not file criminal charges and I was unable to file a civil suit, so stopping the cycle now fell to younger children and their parents. However, the parents opted against working with investigators, some citing the trauma the children would endure. Others worried how jobs would be affected, given their employment at the same institution as the perpetrator.
Faced with such legal dead ends, I turned instead to personal healing.
Recently, however, a conversation with a fellow survivor, who had also been faced with expired statute of limitations, has had me revisiting my own experiences. She still lives, works, and raises children in the shadow of this community “nice guy” — the man who abused us. Even as she works to heal, she is relentless in doing her part to keep a watchful eye on her community’s children.
Child sexual abuse has lifelong consequences. Survivors are committed to prevention, and work to protect victimized children when laws, including arbitrary statutes of limitations, fall short.
It didn’t take long to understand that the law does have winners and losers
In 2002, state law changed. Going forward, civil actions by child-abuse victims could be filed until a victim’s 30th birthday, and the criminal statute was extended until the victim turns 50. Currently, legislation has been introduced to eliminate the criminal statute of limitations and to extend the civil one to age 50.
State Reps. Louise Bishop and Michael McGeehan, both Philadelphia Democrats, are among the leaders seeking reforms, including the enactment of a temporary, retroactive civil window — something few other states have passed.
This “window” would permit victims for whom the statute of limitations have expired to pursue a civil action against their abuser within a designated two-year period. The idea is controversial, and it’s an uphill battle, partially because policymakers and the public haven’t understood that, prior to 2002, Pennsylvania’s statutes of limitations on pursuing child abusers were extremely restrictive.
As a consequence, perpetrators were free to pursue other victims. Some may well still be abusing children today.
Like child sexual abuse itself, the debate on the civil-window legislation has been ugly, manipulative, and deeply wounding.
Opponents of the window cite it as unconstitutional and ripe for false claims. They suggest that the only beneficiaries would be people who have been victimized by someone affiliated with the Catholic Church. Leaders in the state have used obscure procedural moves to deny debate on the issue, let alone allow votes.
Meanwhile, supporters routinely add window-related amendments to other child-protection bills, jeopardizing those compelling pieces of legislation.
Throughout this back and forth, many survivors, including myself, have stayed silent.
Lately, however, I have been reminded that silence by others didn’t serve me well as a victimized child.
So now I’m joining the chorus of survivors who are urging Pennsylvania lawmakers to stop stalling on statute of limitation reform. . Don’t hold these measures or other equally important child protection bills hostage in committee or on the House calendar.. The benefits and challenges of child protection legislation, including related to the civil window, deserve to be publicly debated by state lawmakers, , followed by an up-or-down vote.
Realizing meaningful and sustained change to prevent and respond to child abuse requires that the best interests of children — not political gamesmanship — be Harrisburg’s priority.
Cathleen Palm writes from Berks County. Readers may contact her at cpalm@comcast.net.
http://sol-reform.com/News/wp-content/uploads/2016/04/Hamilton-Logo.jpg00SOL Reformhttp://sol-reform.com/News/wp-content/uploads/2016/04/Hamilton-Logo.jpgSOL Reform2013-04-08 18:50:132013-04-08 18:50:13More support for SOL reform in PA!
http://sol-reform.com/News/wp-content/uploads/2016/04/Hamilton-Logo.jpg00SOL Reformhttp://sol-reform.com/News/wp-content/uploads/2016/04/Hamilton-Logo.jpgSOL Reform2013-04-08 15:45:302013-04-08 15:51:43YU's response to ad hominem attacks against me by PA Rep. Marsico and Caltagirone. Thanks YU!
I WENT last week to see “Lucky Guy,” the new play by Nora Ephron about the journalist Mike McAlary, in previews. The decision to cast Tom Hanks in the lead role was brilliant. Mr. Hanks cannot be anything but endearing, almost cuddly, even though the man he is portraying was complicated and deeply flawed.
The second act of “Lucky Guy,” which opened Monday on Broadway, describes a low point in McAlary’s career, when he falsely accused a rape victim of perpetrating a hoax, and was then sued for libel.
For all her artistic gifts, Ephron, who died last June, does not tell us anything about Jane Doe, the rape victim. The victim, whom I represented in the libel suit and spoke with again this week, was devastated by McAlary’s work. “I have had the misfortune of being raped twice — once in the park and again in the media,” she said shortly after the attack.
A child of a schoolteacher and city planner from Ohio, she’d gone to Yale, where she majored in African-American studies and helped organize protests calling for university divestment from apartheid South Africa. She was 27 and pursuing an acting career in New York — she had appeared recently in an Ibsen play — when, on the afternoon of April 26, 1994, her world changed forever. As she walked in Prospect Park after a grocery run, she heard a man’s voice behind her and turned around. He grabbed her around the neck in a chokehold. He forced her up a hill and raped her. He ordered her not to look back until he’d left.
She immediately reported the assault, flagging down a police cruiser in the park.
Two days later, on April 28, a story by McAlary ran in The Daily News under the headline “Rape Hoax the Real Crime.” The article instantly conjured memories of the sensational, racially charged case of Tawana Brawley, a black teenager who, in 1987, falsely accused a gang of white men of raping her. (Jane Doe is African-American, and described her assailant as black. He was never caught.)
In the ensuing uproar, Police Commissioner William J. Bratton apologized for police leaks that had cast doubt on the woman’s account, which was backed up by undisputed medical evidence, including severe bruising. Undeterred, McAlary, stubbornly recycling a good story — a copycat rape hoax made for a better story than the horror of a real rape — proceeded to write two more columns, under the headlines “No Easy Task Exploring a Lie” and “I’m Right, but That’s No Reason to Cheer,” insisting Jane Doe was a liar. This falsehood was spread far and wide as other news media picked up on the controversy. While McAlary did not reveal her name in print, he did out her as a lesbian to bolster his case. After all, the only person less trustworthy than an African-American woman was an African-American lesbian woman.
“I sealed my mind off, as if it happened in a dream,” Jane Doe told me at the time. “I wanted the media to go away. I did not understand the back and forth between the police and McAlary. I thought it would end.”
A longtime First Amendment lawyer, I took on Jane Doe’s case and found myself suing the press, for one of the only times in my career. During our deposition of McAlary, he admitted that he never once contacted Jane Doe or any witness to the crime. He also admitted that — despite describing in detail the location of the rape in one of his articles, to argue why it was impossible for Jane Doe to have been raped and not seen by nearby joggers — he never went to the rape site. He also admitted that he never read the police, lab and hospital reports whose findings he incorrectly described.
As McAlary was writing his columns, several of his colleagues warned their editors that some of their police contacts were disputing the accuracy of his accounts. During the weeks after McAlary’s articles, about 30 members of the Daily News staff gave the newspaper’s editors a petition labeling the columns “a disgrace” and demanding that the paper apologize to Jane Doe and to “all of our readers.” It did not happen. In fact, McAlary bragged about his courage in sticking to his story.
In fairness to McAlary, evidence emerged during the depositions that he’d been misled by police sources who initially disbelieved the victim’s account, including a high-ranking commander who inappropriately and incorrectly described the results of a lab test. But McAlary was inflexible as more facts emerged, and his editors were clearly negligent in not asking him tough questions about his sources, their reliability and their motives.
Though my experiences were nothing like Jane Doe’s, I lost a lot of business by taking on the case, which my colleagues likened to blasphemy. The New Yorker quoted the First Amendment lawyer Floyd Abrams comparing me to former prosecutors who switch sides to represent drug defendants. Robert D. Sack, who represented The Wall Street Journal, was quoted as saying that “switching sides is close to apostasy.” Other journalists, including Anthony Lewis of The New York Times (who died last week) and Nat Hentoff of The Village Voice, disagreed. “To pillory a woman with anonymous sources — it was so disgusting that I’m with Garbus all the way,” Mr. Hentoff said.
On Feb. 6, 1997, a trial judge dismissed the case on a pretrial motion. He said that because McAlary was initially misinformed by his sources, he was entitled to First Amendment protection.
When I first learned the name of the judge assigned to the case, I told Jane Doe that I suspected we would lose the trial but would win on appeal. She said she was ready for that. She was a fighter. But over nearly three years, I watched this vibrant, spunky woman fall apart. One of the saddest days of my professional life was when the decision came down. I immediately wanted to appeal. She looked at me and said, quietly: “No. I can’t do it anymore.” She looked to me like someone who had died inside.
McAlary celebrated the decision. “It cost me a lot of credibility to tell the truth and not divulge my sources,” he said. “These guys accused me of fabricating the story and lo and behold, McAlary did not fabricate anything.” But he had.
I spoke to Jane Doe this week, to let her know that I was writing this essay. She is in her 40s, living in New Jersey, with two children. We had not stayed in touch over the years.
I believe McAlary damaged her more than the rapist did. To Ephron’s credit, her play does not overlook this episode. In a recent essay, her son Jacob Bernstein called McAlary’s columns about the case “a career-killing mistake,” one that may have been exacerbated by the effects of a near-fatal car crash the previous year.
Much has been made of Ephron’s depiction of McAlary’s fortitude in the face of cancer — which matched the courage she herself showed in the face of the cancer that killed her, a cancer she kept secret from almost everyone.
I don’t doubt McAlary’s fortitude, but he did not have the courage to recant his false allegations, much less apologize to the young woman whose life he knowingly damaged at the altar of professional hubris and ambition.
It has been suggested that Ephron’s play offers a certain redemption for McAlary — who, shortly before he died of colon cancer, at age 41, won a Pulitzer Prize for exposing the brutalizing of an unarmed Haitian immigrant, Abner Louima, by New York City police officers. It seems most unfortunate that McAlary chose to champion a sodomized man but not a raped woman. And one must reflect on whether one very good deed can undo a very bad one.
We all can revisit Mike McAlary’s life and death on Broadway thanks to Ephron’s play. But who will tell us Jane Doe’s story?
“Lucky Guy” provides entertainment, but not, alas, enlightenment. I can still think only of the unlucky woman behind that lucky man.
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Martin Garbus is a trial lawyer and the author, most recently, of “The Next 25 Years: The New Supreme Court and What It Means for Americans.”
http://sol-reform.com/News/wp-content/uploads/2016/04/Hamilton-Logo.jpg00SOL Reformhttp://sol-reform.com/News/wp-content/uploads/2016/04/Hamilton-Logo.jpgSOL Reform2013-04-05 21:36:022013-04-07 23:58:46God Bless Jane Doe! And woe to the men who say rape victims are liars.
Bill will eliminate state’s archaic statutes of limitations for felony child sex crimes, which now protect abusers and those who hide them For the first time in Oregon history, large numbers of adult survivors of child sex abuse will step out of the shadows in support of bill which will protect children
Portland, OR – The years-long campaign to reform the archaic statutes of limitations
for childhood sex abuse crimes in Oregon is intensifying in 2013.
The Oregon House Judiciary Committee will hold a public hearing on the subject in
the State Capitol on Monday, April 8, at 1:00 P.M., to discuss HB 3284, a bill
presented by the House Judiciary Committee itself.
Prior to the hearing, a large number of adult survivors of child sex abuse will rally on the steps of the Oregon State Capitol from 11:15 A.M. to 12:15 P.M., in support of HB 3284, which will eliminate the criminal statutes of limitations for the following crimes against minors by adults: first-degree sex abuse, first-degree sodomy, first-degree unlawful penetration, incest, and first-degree rape. Oregon, usually thought of as a progressive state, is coming late to this party. Thirty three other states already have eliminated criminal statute of limitations for these crimes and others against children. Attempts to pass a similar bill in Oregon in
2011 were unsuccessful.peakers will include Rep. Jeff Barker, chair of the House Judiciary Committee; Rep. Brent Barton; writer, activist and adult survivor Randy Ellison; journalist and adult survivor Margie Boule, and others.
Nationwide headlines over the past 18 months are a graphic illustration of why current law in Oregon is inadequate to protect children from predators. Incidents of past child sex abuse, most of which could not have been prosecuted in Oregon, include cases involving the Boy Scouts of America, the Catholic Church, Penn State and Syracuse Universities, the BBC, Horace Mann School and Yeshiva University High School.
Rally participants who are willing to share their identities and personal stories with the media will carry picket signs rimmed in green. Those who are not ready to share their stories or their names will carry red-rimmed signs. Nearly all marchers will carry green signs.
In the U.S., one out of four girls and one out of six boys will be sexually abused before the age of 18. Victims typically have great difficulty coming to grips with crimes done to them, and keep the secret of their abuse for decades. They often are psychologically unable to speak out until after Oregon’s statute of limitations has expired, making it impossible to prosecute their abusers. Pedophiles can continue to abuse children for decades; serial child sex abusers offend as many as 400 times in their lifetime. Eliminating the statutes of limitations for these crimes will take more pedophiles off the streets, warn more families that abusers are nearby, and protect more Oregon children.
For information about the rally, for more statistics, for names and contact information
of Oregon experts on the effects of child sex abuse, contact:
Kristi Kernal
OAASIS (Oregon Abuse Advocates and Survivors in Service)
503-522-9463 cell
503-274-1179 OAASIS
Kristi@oaasisoregon.org
Web site: oaasisoregon.org
For information about HB 3284, contact:
Randy Ellison
Board chair, OAASIS
541-292-9570 cell
http://sol-reform.com/News/wp-content/uploads/2016/04/Hamilton-Logo.jpg00SOL Reformhttp://sol-reform.com/News/wp-content/uploads/2016/04/Hamilton-Logo.jpgSOL Reform2013-04-05 20:29:352013-04-07 23:58:58Adult Survivors of Child Sex Abuse Rally at Oregon State Capitol in Support of HB 3284 on Monday April 8
Two House lawmakers oppose legislation to open a “window” to decades-old child sexual abuse civil claims because they say it would likely be struck down by the courts and otherwise would remove a defense tool for the accused.
“While sympathetic to those who were victimized as children, we, as the chairmen of the Judiciary Committee, have opposed such legislation because we believe it to be unconstitutional,” House Judiciary Committee chairman Ron Marsico, R-Dauphin, and his Democratic counterpart Rep. Tom Caltagirone, D-Berks, wrote in a letter distributed to House members earlier this week.
Their concerns over constitutionality stem from a provision in the state constitution that prevents the General Assembly from tampering with fixed litigation defenses, like the statute of limitations in civil cases of child sexual abuse.
While supporters of the change say other states passed similar laws and the proposal should withstand court challenges here, a Cumberland County attorney says the “Remedies Clause” in Pennsylvania’s constitution prevents the General Assembly from eliminating the statute of limitations.
“The potential defendants’ vested rights in the applicable statutes of limitations stand as a total bar to liability and cannot be retroactively eliminated,” wrote Jason Kutulakis, who sat on the governor’s Task Force on Child Protection, in a letter distributed by Marsico and Caltagirone.
Kutulakis says an individual who at one time was protected by the limitations cannot later be charged if those limitations were rescinded.
“While no doubt the amendments are an attempt to remedy a social problem, the policy goals behind the amendments cannot and do not supplant constitutional rights,” he wrote.
“I understand that some advocates suggest that the General Assembly should just open the window and leave it to the courts to decide if the window is constitutional, but that is a dangerous path to travel,” he wrote. “The General Assembly is a co-equal branch of government that has a co-equal duty to preserve and uphold the state constitution. To punt on that duty by not seriously examining the constitutionality of proposed laws is to do violence to the Legislature’s shared burden to the people of this commonwealth.”
The letter continues an ongoing quarrel over the statute changes, with a high-profile plaintiff attorney and other supporters of the changes on one side, and the Roman Catholic Church and the insurance lobby on the other.
The House Judiciary Committee chairmen sidelined one bill that would address the use of names of alleged victims in public court records, after two Democratic representatives planned to amend the bill with the “window” legislation.
Amendments from Reps. Mike McGeehan, D-Philadelphia, and Mark Rozzi, D-Berks, would remove the statute of limitations on child sexual abuse civil claims for two-year time period. Currently, a child victim of sexual abuse has until the age of 30 to file a civil claim.
Marci Hamilton, of Bucks County, is the law professor-turned plaintiff attorney who has written a book on statute of limitations in child sexual abuse cases and has led campaigns in other states to support the changes.
Hamilton was criticized by Marsico and Caltagirone for advocating for the changes, but says she doesn’t have clients who would benefit from the changes in Pennsylvania.
She represents over a dozen individuals who have sued the Archdiocese in Philadelphia, but says those individuals would not benefit from statute of limitations changes she supports.
On Monday, the Legislature is scheduled to look at legislation prompted by the arrest and conviction of child predator Jerry Sandusky, a former assistant football coach at Penn State University, as well as sex abuse investigations in the Roman Catholic Archdiocese of Philadelphia. The legislation is based on recommendations of the Child Protection Task Force, and deals with criminal, not civil, aspects of the law.
Capitolwire: Judiciary chairmen try to sway colleagues on statute of limitation changes for child sex abuse.
By Kevin Zwick, Staff Reporter, Capitolwire
HARRISBURG (April 5) –
http://sol-reform.com/News/wp-content/uploads/2016/04/Hamilton-Logo.jpg00SOL Reformhttp://sol-reform.com/News/wp-content/uploads/2016/04/Hamilton-Logo.jpgSOL Reform2013-04-05 19:47:232013-04-07 23:59:37Remedies Clause does not affect plaintiffs. Only defendants. Why would person on Task Force be so invested in protecting predators rather than learning about perpetrators to protect kids?
More support for SOL reform in PA!
/in Pennsylvania /by SOL ReformLegislation would aid abuse survivors
We support Rep. Marguerite Quinn’s, R-Bucks, bill (HB342) to prohibit the release of the names of adult survivors of child sexual abuse
We also support legislation proposed by Reps. Michael McGeehan, D-Philadelphia, and Mark Rozzi, D-Berks, to provide a two-year window of time to suspend the statute of limitations for adult survivors of child sexual abuse to pursue civil actions. Allowing victims time and privacy in the courts enhances safety for everyone.
Victims of child sexual abuse are usually the only people who know the identity of their offenders. Sexual assault is committed in private; rarely are there witnesses. Sex offenders plan when and where to sexually abuse their victims and they take steps to ensure that child victims don’t tell anyone about their actions. They may confuse children by acting generous, giving gifts, saying they love them and no one else understands them. Many offenders tell victims no one will believe them; they caused the abuse or they will get in trouble. Often they threaten additional harm to the victim or others the victim loves and maintain relationships with the victim after the abuse has ended to help cover their crimes. In the words of Joe McGettigan, lead prosecutor in the Sandusky case, “Humiliation, shame and fear equal silence.”
Most sex offenders begin their offending behaviors during their adolescence, and held unchecked, will continue through their adult lives until sued civilly or arrested. Undetected sex offenders inflict sexual, physical, emotional and spiritual harm against numerous victims who live with feelings of humiliation, fear and shame, and for many, silence. Many stay silent until they realize their abuser is still assaulting other children, or they learn that they were not alone. Victims must be provided opportunities to seek justice when they are ready.
Keeping victim names private protects victims from further re-victimization that can occur when they lose control of their very personal and painful story or when other people blame, question or harass them.
Just two weeks ago we witnessed how damaging actions are when a documentary film maker tormented Victim 2 in the Sandusky case by hinting in the national press that he would reveal his identify on his website, which he eventually did. Similarly, the country has watched the re-victimization and harassment of “Jane Doe” in Steubenville, OH. These public “outings” of victim identity remind survivors that there is a real risk to reporting the assaults they endured. The fear of being identified in public keeps many survivors silent about what happened to them and who did it, which means offenders go unreported.
The Pennsylvania Coalition Against Rape urges Pennsylvanians to contact their lawmakers and ask them to bring Quinn’s bill to the floor for a vote and to support the “window” legislation. It is time to give survivors of sexual assault the opportunity to seek justice, promote public safety and do so with privacy.
Delilah Rumburg is the CEO of the Pennsylvania Coalition Against Rape. She writes from Enola.
on April 08, 2013 at 8:50 AM, updated April 08, 2013 at 9:18 AM
Lawmakers should extend window to sue for for sex abuse victims
By Cathleen Palm
On Aug. 25, 1991, I started the transition from child victim to adult survivor of child sexual abuse. Just after my 22nd birthday, I walked into my hometown police station to disclose my sexual abuse and name the perpetrator — a trusted family friend.
Like many survivors, I was pushed — without warning or a sufficient safety net — into confronting this abuse. An event in college, when I was a resident assistant, unexpectedly triggered painful memories and left me immobilized. In the course of disclosing the abuse to family and close family friends, I discovered that many people had strong suspicions — and some even direct knowledge — of the abuse. Coming to terms with the role silence played in perpetuating the abuse was not easy.
Law enforcement’s initial reaction to my 1991 disclosure was discouraging. I second-guessed myself, but tried to remember that there already were too many victims. Each of us had been sexually assaulted in different years, but all at the hands of the same perpetrator. The threat still posed to younger victims, and the perpetrator’s leadership position at a state-funded institution, provided urgency.
I met with supportive investigators from the district attorney’s office. I learned from those who worked with children and youth that Pennsylvania rigidly defines a perpetrator of child abuse, tying their hands even as it related to the younger victims.
It didn’t take long to understand that the law does have winners and losers, and the shorter stick is most often drawn by the child victim.
In 1991, state law required that a civil action be filed before the victim reached the age of 20, and prosecution generally was required to begin within five years from the time of the abuse.
Given the expired statute of limitations, law enforcement could not file criminal charges and I was unable to file a civil suit, so stopping the cycle now fell to younger children and their parents. However, the parents opted against working with investigators, some citing the trauma the children would endure. Others worried how jobs would be affected, given their employment at the same institution as the perpetrator.
Faced with such legal dead ends, I turned instead to personal healing.
Recently, however, a conversation with a fellow survivor, who had also been faced with expired statute of limitations, has had me revisiting my own experiences. She still lives, works, and raises children in the shadow of this community “nice guy” — the man who abused us. Even as she works to heal, she is relentless in doing her part to keep a watchful eye on her community’s children.
Child sexual abuse has lifelong consequences. Survivors are committed to prevention, and work to protect victimized children when laws, including arbitrary statutes of limitations, fall short.
In 2002, state law changed. Going forward, civil actions by child-abuse victims could be filed until a victim’s 30th birthday, and the criminal statute was extended until the victim turns 50. Currently, legislation has been introduced to eliminate the criminal statute of limitations and to extend the civil one to age 50.
State Reps. Louise Bishop and Michael McGeehan, both Philadelphia Democrats, are among the leaders seeking reforms, including the enactment of a temporary, retroactive civil window — something few other states have passed.
This “window” would permit victims for whom the statute of limitations have expired to pursue a civil action against their abuser within a designated two-year period. The idea is controversial, and it’s an uphill battle, partially because policymakers and the public haven’t understood that, prior to 2002, Pennsylvania’s statutes of limitations on pursuing child abusers were extremely restrictive.
As a consequence, perpetrators were free to pursue other victims. Some may well still be abusing children today.
Like child sexual abuse itself, the debate on the civil-window legislation has been ugly, manipulative, and deeply wounding.
Opponents of the window cite it as unconstitutional and ripe for false claims. They suggest that the only beneficiaries would be people who have been victimized by someone affiliated with the Catholic Church. Leaders in the state have used obscure procedural moves to deny debate on the issue, let alone allow votes.
Meanwhile, supporters routinely add window-related amendments to other child-protection bills, jeopardizing those compelling pieces of legislation.
Throughout this back and forth, many survivors, including myself, have stayed silent.
Lately, however, I have been reminded that silence by others didn’t serve me well as a victimized child.
So now I’m joining the chorus of survivors who are urging Pennsylvania lawmakers to stop stalling on statute of limitation reform. . Don’t hold these measures or other equally important child protection bills hostage in committee or on the House calendar.. The benefits and challenges of child protection legislation, including related to the civil window, deserve to be publicly debated by state lawmakers, , followed by an up-or-down vote.
Realizing meaningful and sustained change to prevent and respond to child abuse requires that the best interests of children — not political gamesmanship — be Harrisburg’s priority.
Cathleen Palm writes from Berks County. Readers may contact her at cpalm@comcast.net.
YU’s response to ad hominem attacks against me by PA Rep. Marsico and Caltagirone. Thanks YU!
/in Pennsylvania /by SOL ReformView as PDF
Minnesota News Archives Prior to April 2013
/in Uncategorized /by SOL ReformNews Archives (Prior to April 2013)
Victims Of Child Abuse Fight To Change MN’s Statute Of Limitations
Click to play podcast or download in iTunes (free)
View Video & Corresponding Article on Plymouth Patch website
God Bless Jane Doe! And woe to the men who say rape victims are liars.
/in Uncategorized /by SOL ReformThe Damage Done by a ‘Lucky Guy’
By MARTIN GARBUS
I WENT last week to see “Lucky Guy,” the new play by Nora Ephron about the journalist Mike McAlary, in previews. The decision to cast Tom Hanks in the lead role was brilliant. Mr. Hanks cannot be anything but endearing, almost cuddly, even though the man he is portraying was complicated and deeply flawed.
The second act of “Lucky Guy,” which opened Monday on Broadway, describes a low point in McAlary’s career, when he falsely accused a rape victim of perpetrating a hoax, and was then sued for libel.
For all her artistic gifts, Ephron, who died last June, does not tell us anything about Jane Doe, the rape victim. The victim, whom I represented in the libel suit and spoke with again this week, was devastated by McAlary’s work. “I have had the misfortune of being raped twice — once in the park and again in the media,” she said shortly after the attack.
A child of a schoolteacher and city planner from Ohio, she’d gone to Yale, where she majored in African-American studies and helped organize protests calling for university divestment from apartheid South Africa. She was 27 and pursuing an acting career in New York — she had appeared recently in an Ibsen play — when, on the afternoon of April 26, 1994, her world changed forever. As she walked in Prospect Park after a grocery run, she heard a man’s voice behind her and turned around. He grabbed her around the neck in a chokehold. He forced her up a hill and raped her. He ordered her not to look back until he’d left.
She immediately reported the assault, flagging down a police cruiser in the park.
Two days later, on April 28, a story by McAlary ran in The Daily News under the headline “Rape Hoax the Real Crime.” The article instantly conjured memories of the sensational, racially charged case of Tawana Brawley, a black teenager who, in 1987, falsely accused a gang of white men of raping her. (Jane Doe is African-American, and described her assailant as black. He was never caught.)
In the ensuing uproar, Police Commissioner William J. Bratton apologized for police leaks that had cast doubt on the woman’s account, which was backed up by undisputed medical evidence, including severe bruising. Undeterred, McAlary, stubbornly recycling a good story — a copycat rape hoax made for a better story than the horror of a real rape — proceeded to write two more columns, under the headlines “No Easy Task Exploring a Lie” and “I’m Right, but That’s No Reason to Cheer,” insisting Jane Doe was a liar. This falsehood was spread far and wide as other news media picked up on the controversy. While McAlary did not reveal her name in print, he did out her as a lesbian to bolster his case. After all, the only person less trustworthy than an African-American woman was an African-American lesbian woman.
“I sealed my mind off, as if it happened in a dream,” Jane Doe told me at the time. “I wanted the media to go away. I did not understand the back and forth between the police and McAlary. I thought it would end.”
A longtime First Amendment lawyer, I took on Jane Doe’s case and found myself suing the press, for one of the only times in my career. During our deposition of McAlary, he admitted that he never once contacted Jane Doe or any witness to the crime. He also admitted that — despite describing in detail the location of the rape in one of his articles, to argue why it was impossible for Jane Doe to have been raped and not seen by nearby joggers — he never went to the rape site. He also admitted that he never read the police, lab and hospital reports whose findings he incorrectly described.
As McAlary was writing his columns, several of his colleagues warned their editors that some of their police contacts were disputing the accuracy of his accounts. During the weeks after McAlary’s articles, about 30 members of the Daily News staff gave the newspaper’s editors a petition labeling the columns “a disgrace” and demanding that the paper apologize to Jane Doe and to “all of our readers.” It did not happen. In fact, McAlary bragged about his courage in sticking to his story.
In fairness to McAlary, evidence emerged during the depositions that he’d been misled by police sources who initially disbelieved the victim’s account, including a high-ranking commander who inappropriately and incorrectly described the results of a lab test. But McAlary was inflexible as more facts emerged, and his editors were clearly negligent in not asking him tough questions about his sources, their reliability and their motives.
Though my experiences were nothing like Jane Doe’s, I lost a lot of business by taking on the case, which my colleagues likened to blasphemy. The New Yorker quoted the First Amendment lawyer Floyd Abrams comparing me to former prosecutors who switch sides to represent drug defendants. Robert D. Sack, who represented The Wall Street Journal, was quoted as saying that “switching sides is close to apostasy.” Other journalists, including Anthony Lewis of The New York Times (who died last week) and Nat Hentoff of The Village Voice, disagreed. “To pillory a woman with anonymous sources — it was so disgusting that I’m with Garbus all the way,” Mr. Hentoff said.
On Feb. 6, 1997, a trial judge dismissed the case on a pretrial motion. He said that because McAlary was initially misinformed by his sources, he was entitled to First Amendment protection.
When I first learned the name of the judge assigned to the case, I told Jane Doe that I suspected we would lose the trial but would win on appeal. She said she was ready for that. She was a fighter. But over nearly three years, I watched this vibrant, spunky woman fall apart. One of the saddest days of my professional life was when the decision came down. I immediately wanted to appeal. She looked at me and said, quietly: “No. I can’t do it anymore.” She looked to me like someone who had died inside.
McAlary celebrated the decision. “It cost me a lot of credibility to tell the truth and not divulge my sources,” he said. “These guys accused me of fabricating the story and lo and behold, McAlary did not fabricate anything.” But he had.
I spoke to Jane Doe this week, to let her know that I was writing this essay. She is in her 40s, living in New Jersey, with two children. We had not stayed in touch over the years.
I believe McAlary damaged her more than the rapist did. To Ephron’s credit, her play does not overlook this episode. In a recent essay, her son Jacob Bernstein called McAlary’s columns about the case “a career-killing mistake,” one that may have been exacerbated by the effects of a near-fatal car crash the previous year.
Much has been made of Ephron’s depiction of McAlary’s fortitude in the face of cancer — which matched the courage she herself showed in the face of the cancer that killed her, a cancer she kept secret from almost everyone.
I don’t doubt McAlary’s fortitude, but he did not have the courage to recant his false allegations, much less apologize to the young woman whose life he knowingly damaged at the altar of professional hubris and ambition.
It has been suggested that Ephron’s play offers a certain redemption for McAlary — who, shortly before he died of colon cancer, at age 41, won a Pulitzer Prize for exposing the brutalizing of an unarmed Haitian immigrant, Abner Louima, by New York City police officers. It seems most unfortunate that McAlary chose to champion a sodomized man but not a raped woman. And one must reflect on whether one very good deed can undo a very bad one.
We all can revisit Mike McAlary’s life and death on Broadway thanks to Ephron’s play. But who will tell us Jane Doe’s story?
“Lucky Guy” provides entertainment, but not, alas, enlightenment. I can still think only of the unlucky woman behind that lucky man.
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Martin Garbus is a trial lawyer and the author, most recently, of “The Next 25 Years: The New Supreme Court and What It Means for Americans.”
Adult Survivors of Child Sex Abuse Rally at Oregon State Capitol in Support of HB 3284 on Monday April 8
/in Oregon /by SOL ReformApril 5, 2013
For information about the rally, for more statistics, for names and contact information
of Oregon experts on the effects of child sex abuse, contact:
Kristi Kernal
OAASIS (Oregon Abuse Advocates and Survivors in Service)
503-522-9463 cell
503-274-1179 OAASIS
Kristi@oaasisoregon.org
Web site: oaasisoregon.org
For information about HB 3284, contact:
Randy Ellison
Board chair, OAASIS
541-292-9570 cell
View Press Release as PDF
Remedies Clause does not affect plaintiffs. Only defendants. Why would person on Task Force be so invested in protecting predators rather than learning about perpetrators to protect kids?
/in Pennsylvania /by SOL ReformVIEW AS PDF: Remedies Clause does not affect plaintiffs. Only defendants. Why would person on Task Force be so invested in protecting predators rather than learning about perpetrators to protect kids?
Capitolwire: Judiciary chairmen try to sway colleagues on statute of
limitation changes for child sex abuse.
By Kevin Zwick, Staff Reporter, Capitolwire